As I mentioned in the previous post, Hispanic Studies usually analyzes cultural products (often narratives) to understand how they construct a system of meaning. In William and Mary’s HS lingo, this is the “struggle for interpretive power”– competing with other sources to have one’s cultural products tell the definitive version of shared narratives and thus influence society’s structures of meaning, often with an eye to distributional politics. For example, Benedict Anderson’s “Imagined Communities” (the number one buzzword from my year in HISP 281) talks about how these narratives define who is included in the “nation” which can have serious (including financial) consequences for those individuals when policy is based on these cultural ideas.
Typically, we think of the Hispanic Studies perspective on Economics as characterized by references to economic questions in cultural products. For example, “The House of the Spirits” by Isabelle Allende describes as heroic the price controls and other socialist policies put into practice by Salvador Allende in Chile and blames foreign intervention for the controlled economy’s failure to provide. Most economists today believe that price controls are usually a bad idea and would prefer to blame Salvador Allende for poor management. Some Hispanic Studies majors may simply consider the conclusions of modern economics to be another narrative and may even view the liberal, literary narrative as more valid. (Most of the works we focus on in Hispanic Studies at William and Mary are, similarly, to the left of the political mainstream in economics. Perhaps these works are simply superior to right-wing works in literary terms).
However, I don’t think this is a proper characterization of the Hispanic Studies perspective on Economics. I’d prefer to think of these sorts of references as low-quality economics work done by Hispanic cultural producers (authors). Other cultural producers may do higher-quality economics work. Hispanic Studies majors are a separate group and approach these works critically. Their chief goal is not to make political and economic commentaries, although many do so; it’s to understand the dynamics of the cultural elements of others’ cultural products. In this sense, Hispanic Studies should let economics answer the economics questions and focus on the cultural issues which, if economics addresses at all, it does so with little or no authority.
For example, consider the economic issues of immigration. Economists can approach immigration as a question of maximizing welfare. The current flow of disproportionately low-skilled immigrants into the US greatly increases the welfare of these immigrants. It also increases the welfare of those who buy goods and services produced by these immigrants at lower prices. Those who compete with these immigrants for low-skilled jobs (mostly native high-school dropouts), though, receive lower wages (probably about 3-5% lower). An economist can estimate and sum these consequences and determine if, on the whole, this inflow of immigrants increases the welfare of…
of who? Whose welfare counts and whose doesn’t? US economists sometimes ignore the welfare gain to the immigrants themselves on the presumption that US policy should be directed solely towards increasing the welfare of US citizens (even so, immigration is probably beneficial). Whether increasing the welfare of non-citizens is worth anything is a question economics cannot address (ok, sure, they can tell us whether a higher GDP in Mexico is good for the US, but they can’t tell us whether we should care about a higher GDP per capita in Mexico for its own sake, and if so, how much). Economics seeks to answer questions within pre-established cultural frameworks of meaning which it is powerless to comment on. The very same dynamics described by Benedict Anderson prop up our economic understanding. The results of our economic analysis may depend on whether we tell stories about an “invading army” of immigrants or a tide of economic refugees, or whether we say “illegal immigrants” or “irregular immigrants”. Hispanic Studies can and should critique the cultural elements of economic work.
A few caveats: first of all, Hispanic Studies is often at a loss for addressing these frameworks of meaning normatively. That is, Hispanic Studies might tell us why we do or don’t care about the welfare of immigrants but may not be able to tell us whether or not we should (this would be more appropriate for ethics). Economics, conversely, may actually have a hidden answer: economics could work backwards, assume”rational choice”, and simply watch how individuals weight others’ welfare in their decisions. Similarly, economic methodologies could be applied to measuring happiness (or some other goal) and its correlation with others’ welfare. Even Economics could answer these sorts of questions on its own, though, we would still need Hispanic Studies to fully understand the political (culture-dependent) choices people make. Hispanic Studies would also be necessary from a practical viewpoint if we sought to influence the prevalent frameworks of meaning.